Mass transportation revised the social and economic fabric of the American city in three fundamental ways. It catalyzed physical expansion, it sorted out people and land uses, and it accelerated the inherent instability of urban life. By opening vast areas of unoccupied land for residential expansion, the omnibuses, horse railways, commuter trains, and electric trolleys pulled settled regions outward two to four times more distant form city centers than they were in the premodern era. In 1850, for example, the borders of Boston lay scarcely two miles from the old business district; by the turn of the century the radius extended ten miles. Now those who could afford it could live far removed from the old city center and still commute there for work, shopping, and entertainment. The new accessibility of land around the periphery of almost every major city sparked an explosion of real estate development and fueled what we now know as urban sprawl. Between 1890 and 1920, for example, some 250,000 new residential lots were recorded within the borders of Chicago, most of them located in outlying areas. Over the same period, another 550,000 were plotted outside the city limits but within the metropolitan area. Anxious to take advantage of the possibilities of commuting, real estate developers added 800,000 potential building sites to the Chicago region in just thirty years – lots that could have housed five to six million people.
Of course, many were never occupied; there was always a huge surplus of subdivided, but vacant, land around Chicago and other cities. These excesses underscore a feature of residential expansion related to the growth of mass transportation: urban sprawl was essentially unplanned. It was carried out by thousands of small investors who paid little heed to coordinated land use or to future land users. Those who purchased and prepared land for residential purposes, particularly land near or outside city borders where transit lines and middle-class inhabitants were anticipated, did so to create demand as much as to respond to it. Chicago is a prime example of this process. Real estate subdivision there proceeded much faster than population growth.
1.With which of the following subjects is the passage mainly concerned?
[A] Types of mass transportation.
[B] Instability of urban life.
[C] How supply and demand determine land use.
[D] The effect of mass transportation on urban expansion.
2.Why does the author mention both Boston and Chicago?
[A] To demonstrate positive and negative effects of growth.
[B] To exemplify cities with and without mass transportation.
[C] To show mass transportation changed many cities.
[D] To contrast their rate of growth.
3.According to the passage, what was one disadvantage of residential expansion?
[A] It was expensive.
[B] It happened too slowly.
[C] It was unplanned.
[D] It created a demand for public transportation.
4.The author mentions Chicago in the second paragraph as an example of a city,
[A] that is large.
[B] that is used as a model for land development.
[C] where the development of land exceeded population growth.
[D] with an excellent mass transportation system.
Vocabulary
1.revise 改變
2.fabric 結(jié)構(gòu)
3.catalyze 催化,加速
4.sort out 把……分門別類,揀選
5.omnibus 公共汽車/馬車
6.trolley (美)有軌電車,(英)無軌電車
7.periphery 周圍,邊緣
8.sprawl 建筑物無計(jì)劃延伸,蔓延,四面八方散開
9.lot 小片土地
10.underscore 強(qiáng)調(diào),在下面劃橫線
11.transit lines 運(yùn)輸線路
12.subdivision (出售的)小塊土地,再劃分小區(qū)
1.D
2.C
3.C
4.C
【解析】
寫作方法與文章大意
文章論述了“公共交通從三方面改變了城市的社會(huì)和經(jīng)濟(jì)結(jié)構(gòu)。”采用分類寫法。文章一開始就提出三方面:第一,促進(jìn)城市實(shí)質(zhì)性的擴(kuò)展;第二,把人和土地分民別類加以利用;第三,加速了城市生活的不穩(wěn)定性。然后就是三方面的具體內(nèi)容。
1.D 公共交通運(yùn)輸對城市擴(kuò)展的影響。文章開門見山提出這一點(diǎn)“公共交通運(yùn)輸從三個(gè)根本方面改變了美國城市的社會(huì)和經(jīng)濟(jì)結(jié)構(gòu)。”后面文章內(nèi)容就是三方面的具體化。
A. 公共交通運(yùn)輸類型。 B. 城市生活的不穩(wěn)定性。 C. 供需如何決定土地利用。這三項(xiàng)文中作為具體問題提到,并不是文章涉及的主要題目。
2.C 說明公共交通改變了許多城市。答案箭第一段第四句“舉例說,1850年,波士頓市界離老的商業(yè)地區(qū)幾乎不到2英里,到了這世紀(jì)末,其半徑擴(kuò)至10英里,F(xiàn)在供得起的人們可以住得很遠(yuǎn),遠(yuǎn)離老的城市中心,仍然來回去那里上班、購物和娛樂”。第七句,“舉例說,在1890至1920年期間,據(jù)記載,芝加哥市界內(nèi)有約250,000個(gè)新的住宅樓區(qū)大多數(shù)設(shè)在郊區(qū)。經(jīng)過同樣這段時(shí)期,市區(qū)外,但仍在芝加哥大都市地區(qū)內(nèi),又計(jì)劃建造了550,000個(gè)住宅樓區(qū)。”
A. 表示成長的正反兩方面效果。B. 舉有無公共交通運(yùn)輸?shù)某鞘袨槔?D. 對比兩者成長率;都不是本文中舉兩城市例子的目的。
3.C 沒有計(jì)劃。見第二段第三句起“城市擴(kuò)展蔓延根本無計(jì)劃,好幾千個(gè)小的投資商進(jìn)行擴(kuò)展,毫不考慮相互協(xié)調(diào)配合利用土地,也不考慮未來土地利用。”
A. 太貴 和 B.太慢,兩個(gè)選項(xiàng),文內(nèi)沒有提。D. 它創(chuàng)造了對公共交通運(yùn)輸?shù)男枨。這不是住宅擴(kuò)展的一個(gè)缺點(diǎn),而是三個(gè)根本改變城市的一個(gè)方面。見第一段第三句:“通過大量開發(fā)未占土地?cái)U(kuò)建住宅,公共汽車、馬車、鐵路、來回火車,有軌電車把已有人定居的居住區(qū)向外擴(kuò)展了三四倍,比他們先現(xiàn)代時(shí)期的市中心更遠(yuǎn)。”
4.C(第二段中以芝加哥城市例子說明)土地開發(fā)超過人口增長速度。答案詳見第二段“這些購買和置備土地建設(shè)住宅,特別是購置臨近城市或就在市界外的土地,搶在交通線路和中產(chǎn)階層的居民進(jìn)去之前。他們這樣做的目的是創(chuàng)造一種需求,也是響應(yīng)這種需求。芝加哥就是這種過程的典型例子。那里的房地產(chǎn)小塊土地比人口增長快得很多很多。”
A. 城市大。B. 用作土地開發(fā)的樣板。 D. 具有優(yōu)越的公共的交通系統(tǒng)。
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B. in the normal patrol area
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[A] cultural groups that are formed by scientists.
people whose knowledge of science is very limited.
[C] the scientific community.
[D] people who make good contribution to science.
2.We need to know something about the structure and operation of science because
[A] it is not easy to understand the things that excite and frustrate scientists.
Science affects almost every aspect of our life.
[C] Scientists live in a specific subculture.
[D] It is easier to understand general characteristics of science.
3.The book mentioned in this passage is written for readers who
[A] are intelligent college students and lay person who do not know much about science.
are good at producing various gadgets.
[C] work in a storehouse of dried facts.
[D] want to have a superficial understanding of science.
4.According to this passage,
[A] English is a sexist language.
only in the scientific world is the role of women increasing rapidly.
[C] women are making significant contributions to eliminating the inadequacy of our language.
[D] male nouns or pronouns should not be used to refer to scientists.
5.This passage most probably is
[A] a book review.
the preface of a book.
[C] the postscript of a book.
[D] the concluding part of a book.
Vocabulary
subculture 亞文化群(指在一個(gè)社會(huì)或一種文化內(nèi)具有獨(dú)特性的一群人)
superficial 膚淺的,淺薄的,表面的
lay person 外行,門外漢,俗人
musty 發(fā)毒的,老朽的,陳腐的
gadget 小玩意兒,小配件,新發(fā)明
pervasive 滲透的,彌漫的,遍布的
populate 居住于……中,在……中占一席之地
implicit 含蓄的,內(nèi)含的
unspecified 未特別提出的
offset 抵消,補(bǔ)償
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A.less B.more
C.the least D.the most
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(2013·高考天津卷,D)When asked about happiness,we usually think of something extraordinary,an absolute delight,which seems to get rarer the older we get.
For kids,happiness has a magical quality.Their delight at winning a race or getting a new bike is unreserved (毫不掩飾的).
In the teenage years the concept of happiness changes.Suddenly it’s conditional on such things as excitement,love and popularity.I can still recall the excitement of being invited to dance with the most attractive boy at the school party.
In adulthood the things that bring deep joy-love,marriage,birth-also bring responsibility and the risk of loss.For adults,happiness is complicated (復(fù)雜的).
My definition of happiness is “the capacity for enjoyment”.The more we can enjoy what we have,the happier we are.It’s easy to overlook the pleasure we get from the company of friends,the freedom to live where we please,and even good health.
I experienced my little moments of pleasure yesterday.First I was overjoyed when I shut the last lunch?box and had the house to myself.Then I spent an uninterrupted morning writing,which I love.When the kids and my husband came home,I enjoyed their noise after the quiet of the day.
Psychologists tell us that to be happy we need a mix of enjoyable leisure time and satisfying work.I don’t think that my grandmother,who raised 14 children,had much of either.She did have a network of close friends and family,and maybe this is what satisfied her.
We,however,with so many choices and such pressure to succeed in every area,have turned happiness into one more thing we’ve got to have.We’re so self?conscious about our “right” to it that it’s making us miserable.So we chase it and equal it with wealth and success,without noticing that the people who have those things aren’t necessarily happier.
Happiness isn’t about what happens to us-it’s about how we see what happens to us.It’s the skillful way of finding a positive for every negative.It’s not wishing for what we don’t have,but enjoying what we do possess.
1.As people grow older,they________.
A.feel it harder to experience happiness
B.associate their happiness less with others
C.will take fewer risks in pursuing happiness
D.tend to believe responsibility means happiness
2.What can we learn about the author from Paragraph 5 and 6?
A.She cares little about her own health.
B.She enjoys the freedom of traveling.
C.She is easily pleased by things in daily life.
D.She prefers getting pleasure from housework.
3.What can be inferred from Paragraph 7?
A.Psychologists think satisfying work is key to happiness.
B.Psychologists’ opinion is well proved by Grandma’ case.
C.Grandma often found time for social gatherings.
D.Grandma’s happiness came from modest expectations of life.
4.People who equal happiness with wealth and success________.
A.consider pressure something blocking their way
B.stress their right to happiness too much
C.are at a loss to make correct choices
D.are more likely to be happy
5.What can be concluded from the passage?
A.Happiness lies between the positive and the negative.
B.Each man is the master of his own fate.
C.Success leads to happiness.
D.Happy is he who is content.
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